National Review
The Smithsonian’s Leadership Must Go
By Stanley Kurtz
July 10, 2026 6:30 AM
A venerable institution is taken over by leftists who loathe America, free enterprise, religion, and the founding ideals of the institution itself. Plucky conservatives expose the stunning coup. Elites fire back: “It’s all lies and hysterical exaggeration. We’re harmless nonpartisan custodians of tradition who just want to keep up with the times.” Within a decade, more or less, it’s so obvious that the institution has been co-opted by the hard left that no one bothers to argue anymore. The only questions are just how extreme things will get, and how damaged the rest of society will be.
Who now doubts William F. Buckley Jr.’s warnings of encroaching leftism and irreligion at Yale? Who now accepts the soothing reassurances of Stanford’s administration that the study of Western civilization remains safe? Who now bothers to deny the political biases of the networks or the New York Times? Who now wastes breath insisting that conservative ideas can be freely expressed on campus? Who now claims that America’s cities are safer and cleaner than ever? For that matter, who now contends that socialists are in no position to take over the Democratic Party? Yet these were great debates in their day.
Would that this were a cyclical problem, a perpetual tug-of-war between right and left. The blight has been cumulative instead. This is our problem. Dueling political parties struggling within a shared cultural consensus are devolving into warring cultural camps acting on antithetical first principles. First the academy was seized. From there, cultural radicalism was injected into the wider social bloodstream.
That’s why I like President Trump. Like Reagan, but more so, Trump fights back. You can say that the economy and foreign policy are more important than these cultural battles. Over the long haul, however, that’s simply not true. And most everyone around today has lived that long haul. Everyone’s worried about America’s social fabric, albeit from opposite sides, and for good reason.
And now, the Trump White House presents us with a meticulously detailed, 160-page report called “Saving America’s Story.” The White House Domestic Policy Council, headed by Vince Haley, has exposed the takeover of the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of American History by radical political activists. No surprise, the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Organization of American Historians (OAH), among others, are issuing the usual deflections, condemnations, and denials. And because the Smithsonian is a semiautonomous arm of the federal government, a much-needed change of leadership is anything but guaranteed.
Yet this is a blessing in disguise. Precisely because Trump has been forced to expose, rather than immediately replace, the Smithsonian’s leadership, the public is being treated to a chapter-and-verse account of modern cultural madness. From Saving America’s Story, we learn how ideologically partisan activism metastasizes under a veneer of bipartisanship. We see how slick and condescending elites selectively disclose and disguise their true intentions. And we discover just how crazy-radical these educated elites truly are. This is a fight whose importance goes well beyond the case in question. The battle over the Smithsonian is a prototype of the wider cultural clash we’re facing — and will continue to face into the indefinite future. How it gets resolved will have broader consequences. So, let’s jump into the report.
Saving America’s Story has two big complaints: (1) The National Museum of American History (NMAH) refuses to tell America’s core story; and (2) the NMAH substitutes political activism on behalf of contemporary leftist causes for America’s well-established core historical narrative.
At NMAH, the report says, the story of America’s Founding — of the Declaration, the Constitution, ordered liberty, natural rights, and the divine source of those inalienable rights — is never systematically told. The history of America’s incomplete but courageous struggles to form a more perfect union around its founding principles is either omitted, downplayed, or reduced to a focus on slavery and little else. Too patriotic, too Anglo-centric, and too white are the museum’s evident complaints about the standard account.
This claim that NMAH shortchanges America’s central story is what has received the most pushback from historians, journalists, and liberal opinion writers. They argue that focusing on America’s flaws leads to a deeper and truer patriotism, or that displays of Thomas Jefferson’s portable desk (on which he wrote the Declaration), or a statue of George Washington solve the “core story” problem.
I’ll come back to this. But I want to focus here instead on what critics of Saving America’s Story have largely ignored: the evidence of radical political activism that actually makes up the bulk of the report.
By both tradition and regulation, the Smithsonian must be politically nonpartisan. As the White House report makes clear, however, NMAH’s leadership has remade the museum’s mission into a charter for political activism. On nearly every contemporary hot-button cultural controversy (immigration, race, “gender,” transgenderism, environment, nation vs. globalism, gun control, and abortion) NMAH has become a cheerleader for what is, in effect, the Democratic Party’s platform. Moreover, NMAH is determined to turn almost any issue, from any era, into a launching pad for present-day ideological proselytism.
What is the report’s evidence for this? (1) Repeated statements by NMAH Director Anthea Hartig and others in leadership; (2) NMAH’s “Interpretive Plan,” a guide intended to shape the message of every exhibit and initiative; (3) the “Museums as a Site for Social Action Toolkit,” a thoroughly woke primer used by a long-standing and influential staff reading group; (4) creation of a Center for Restorative History to supposedly redress harms done to racial, ethnic, and sexual minorities, along with a related Decolonization/Restorative History Plan to guide revisions of the NMAH’s operations and exhibits; (5) articles and reports written or publicly promoted by NMAH’s leadership; and (6) evidence of direct political activism both in exhibits and in educational materials created by NMAH.
Taken together, the evidence of ideologically partisan political activism by NMAH is overwhelming. And with one important exception, the report’s critics have so far managed largely to ignore that evidence, even though it makes up the lion’s share of Saving America’s Story. So, let’s have a look at political activism at the supposedly nonpartisan NMAH.
Hartig, NMAH’s director since 2019, is, by her own account, determined to tie the museum’s work to “activism and advocacy.” She is acutely aware of the regulations requiring political nonpartisanship and so is careful about how she describes her goals. Yet Hartig has said that “History as a practice . . . is for me a prime tool of social justice.” Once she took over NMAH, Hartig rewrote the institutional mission statement to direct history toward “empowering people to create a more just and compassionate future.” A traditional NMAH director would have kept out of the George Floyd controversy. Hartig, in contrast, promised to “work to reframe the traditional, celebratory narrative of U.S. history” to force a “national reckoning.” Hartig also echoed the dubious claim that modern-day policing is rooted in the practices of 18th- and 19th-century Southern slave patrols. Hartig is likewise at pains to acknowledge her supposed white privilege, ostentatiously confessing that her success is “propped up . . . by the cuhions of whiteness and the pillows of the bourgeoisie.”
I’ve watched in their entirety a number of the Hartig videos and podcasts (linked throughout and here) drawn upon by Saving America’s Story, and I can affirm that the quotes selected by the report are entirely representative and in no way out of context. In fact, I noticed many other statements in those hours of material that could have been referenced by the report.
Hartig, for example, was a proud protégé of UCLA historian Gary Nash, author of the infamous National History Standards, condemned in 1995 by a 99–1 vote of the U.S. Senate. Hartig particularly cherishes Nash’s controversial “three worlds meet” concept, which replaced the traditional narrative of America’s origins with a tale that “decenters” the European Founding.
There is also a fascinating 2021 podcast in which Hartig affirms the official Smithsonian line, saying, “We pride ourselves on our nonpartisanship.” Then Hartig quickly pivots, saying historians actually believe that pretty much everything is political. As proof, Hartig cites the NMAH exhibit, Girlhood (It’s Complicated), one of her favorite projects. The thesis of that exhibit, says Hartig, is that “girlhood is politicized and political, and that girls can act in political ways.” It is of no small interest that Hartig’s Girlhood exhibit shows up prominently in Saving America’s Story.
NMAH’s 2021 “Interpretive Plan,” issued under Hartig’s management, insists that all exhibits and activities, “whatever the topic,” must “speak to the core issues of our time, including: race and identity; gender and sexuality; environmental change; immigration and migrations; economic inequality; technological change; nationalism and globalism.” This is a prescription for monotonous activist harangues, not to mention distortion of earlier eras by viewing them through the lens of contemporary political controversies.
The Museums as a Site for Social Action Toolkit, co-authored by half a dozen current and former Smithsonian employees and used as a guide by many current NMAH staffers, is a woke nightmare. It draws heavily, for example, on the infamous “White Supremacy Culture” guide circulated widely by corporate HR offices at the height of the post–George Floyd madness. That guide condemns objectivity, a “sense of urgency,” worship of the written word, and various other innocent or admirable characteristics as supposedly execrable examples of “white supremacy.”
The White House report highlights the tool kit’s many attacks on “whiteness” and supposed “white supremacy culture,” but there’s plenty more that could have been noted. The tool kit, for example, draws on another infamous radical leftist concept, Herbert Marcuse’s “repressive tolerance” idea. Quoting Marcuse, a leading light of the neo-Marxist Frankfurt School, the tool kit condemns “tolerance, in the name of impartiality, fairness, or evenhandedness.” Such misguided tolerance, Marcuse says, licenses “intolerable ideologies and practices, and the consequent marginalization of efforts for democratic social change.” In other words, conservatives must be silenced, rather than tolerated in the name of fairness or free speech. This certainly helps explain why NMAH’s politicized exhibits don’t represent both sides of our national debates. But of course, this rejection of tolerance completely contradicts any claim for the Smithsonian’s nonpartisanship.
What about bias in the museum’s actual exhibits and educational offerings? Well, Saving America’s Story offers extensive evidence of efforts to indoctrinate middle and high school students into opposing the enforcement of federal immigration law. This included having NMAH staffers travel to Mexico City to interview deported illegal aliens, and interviewing (read “glamorizing”) illegal alien activists campaigning against the local sheriff because he worked with ICE. Students were invited to interact with this and other anti-ICE material at the NMAH website. Some NMAH materials for educators actually go beyond indoctrination, encouraging teachers to have illegal aliens enroll in the DACA program.
The White House report also reviews several exhibits designed to cultivate approval of transgenderism, for example, the Girlhood (It’s Complicated) exhibit so dear to Director Hartig. That exhibit glamorizes a contemporary transgender activist, a female-identifying male known as Jazz Jennings. In my view, the Smithsonian should altogether avoid building exhibits around contemporary political activists. But if you’re going to glorify Jazz Jennings, why not have a paired display offering an equally laudatory portrait of Riley Gaines (a noted activist who opposes the participation of men in women’s sports)? That would be authentically nonpartisan. Apparently, Herbert Marcuse and his many NMAH acolytes have ruled that out as “tolerating the intolerable.”
Hartig’s Girlhood exhibit featured some pro-abortion activism, and pro-gun-control messages as well. It’s hard not to suspect that framing an exhibit around so flexible a topic as girlhood was a clever strategy to allow Hartig to weigh in on her favorite political issues.
When it comes to individuals, Director Hartig is rightly the focus of the White House report, but she is by no means the only individual scrutinized. The report gives well-earned attention to the wild ideas of Orlando Serrano, the museum’s manager for pre-K–12 learning. For example, an academic article by Serrano describing the work of NMAH’s Center for Restorative History condemns and calls for replacing America’s entire legal system. In fact, Serrano openly condemns the entire tradition of Western classical liberalism. He also insists that restorative justice and true decolonization can never be attained until all of America’s lands are delivered to Native Americans, and the American system itself entirely “reordered.”
Saving America’s Story probes Serrano’s work in depth. Obviously, however, everything couldn’t be covered. Something new that caught my eye when I read Serrano’s wild article was his view of education. Serrano distinguishes between, on the one hand, “education,” by which he means standardized testing, enrollment rates, and measures of return on investment, and on the other hand, authentic “learning,” by which he means analyzing society “in order to . . . change the world towards justice and equity.” “Education,” says Serrano, is Western and white supremacist. “Learning” is beneficent and good. Serrano’s guides to this beneficial learning are a stable of Marxist and neo-Marxist theorists of “critical pedagogy.” The upshot is that the head of NMAH’s educational programs has swapped out traditional teaching and testing for far-left politics. Tests are supposedly Western and white supremacist, a troubling stand at a moment when the rejection of the SAT test has been proved a failure even at America’s most left-leaning universities.
In contrast to a scholarly article not likely to be read by the general public, Saving America’s Story also examines the “Reframing History” report, a project of the American Association for State and Local History. The Reframing History report may not have been produced by NMAH, but it was essentially adopted as a strategy by the museum and was rolled out publicly at a NMAH event featuring Director Hartig. Whereas Serrano’s article wears its radicalism on its sleeve, the Reframing History report is slick, subtle, and manipulative.
Superficially, the Reframing History report wants to get beyond the public debate over critical race theory and so-called inclusive history. In reality, Reframing History wants to win that debate for the CRT crowd by using language designed to soften conservative opposition. By framing history as “detective work,” for example, the report says historians can both use and get beyond the public’s supposedly naïve concern with facts, thereby building support for proposals like a government commission to “reckon” with past injustices (implicitly, a reparations commission). This is Hartig’s sweet spot, the search for language that both disguises and advances her ideological goals.
As I noted at the outset, with one important exception, critics of Saving America’s Story have managed to avoid confronting the evidence I’ve touched on here and the issue of political activism generally. That exception is an Atlantic article about the White House report by Kelsey Ables. There are a lot of problems with this piece, but I’m going to touch here on some very important concessions by Ables.
According to Ables, “when the White House says that the American History Museum ‘has not created any exhibit dedicated to presenting a general narrative of American history,’ the critique has some merit.” “Many museums,” Ables says, “have been seeking to replace those sweepy stories, which can veer white and male-dominated, with a more multipronged approach that features smaller stories. . . .” Ables acknowledges that “this has been a conversation at the Smithsonian for decades.”
I would add that the entire problem grows out of a faulty premise: that the story of the Founders and Lincoln is not the story of a nonwhite female immigrant from a non-Western culture. Abraham Lincoln remarked that although America’s many immigrants were not descended from the founding generation, by accepting the Declaration’s principles they become “as though they were the blood of the blood and the flesh of the flesh of the men who wrote the Declaration, and so they are.” This is how immigrant assimilation used to work, and could again if we encouraged it.
Ables also acknowledges merit in the White House report’s point about political activism. She grants that the Black Lives Matter movement ushered in a period of leftist advocacy at NMAH. “There is a real conversation to be had about whether museums should strive to guide viewers toward civic action and the big questions of our times or simply tell them about the past.” Indeed, there is, but the conversation we’re now having wouldn’t be happening without the White House’s Saving America’s Story report.
There needs to be a housecleaning at the Smithsonian, from Lonnie Bunch III at the top, to Hartig at NMAH, down to ideologues like Serrano, to the extent that the positions in question are replaceable. Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan at the New York Times report that when Bunch learned the White House was planning a report, he tried to issue a public letter “making plain that any review was the responsibility of the institution alone.” Fortunately, Bunch was blocked. Yet it’s outrageous that Bunch would have denied the right of the White House to an oversight report. It’s clear from repeated statements in Hartig’s many videos and podcasts that she is completely in sync with Bunch. Her problem is his problem, and they’ve both got to go.
For my part, I’m fine with withholding federal funds until Bunch and Hartig step down. Naturally, that will set off a campaign along the lines of the cries that long protected PBS. “Save the Air and Space Museum!” will be the slogan. Yet PBS is now defunded, and so should be the Smithsonian until the ideologues currently running the place step aside.
AH: Wonder which passages of the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion are relevant to this story.